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Why democracy is still a mirage in many African countries

By: Ali A. Mazrui

[ Posted On: 2008-06-12 ]

Prof. Ali Mazrui

In light of the post-election crisis in Kenya, and considering the aftermath of Zimbabwe's elections in March, how can democracy in Africa be better managed? Can we anticipate better some of the pitfalls?

Democratisation needs to be planned; it calls for a sense of direction and specific stages towards fuller implementation of its agenda. Planning includes multiparty convention to discuss fully the rest of the stages towards fuller democratisation.

Formation of an interim government or a coalition government to ensure, not merely fair elections, but also an equitable transition period, with equitable access to the media for all major parties, equal protection of the law for all politicians and political activists, and freedom of elective organisation and free political competition is another way.

The other is establishment of a constituent assembly (or national conference to work out a new constitution and establish new rules of governance and political participation.

There should also be free and fair elections under the new constitution, preferably with international observers from the African Union, the Commonwealth, and the UN, with some independent observers as well.

The final step is installation of the first government under the new pluralistic constitutional order.

Democracy in Africa has previously been threatened or undermined by various societal, systemic and global factors. Societal factors have included ethnic rivalry, regional disparities, gender inequalities and weak national political culture.

Systemic threats to African democracy have included the pull towards presidential concentration of power, single party monopoly of power, the shadow of the military on the political process with a serious risk of military intervention, and existence of an ideological void at the national level.

Perils to African democracy have also included global threats in form of excessive foreign penetration of economies, and the impact of the arms trade on the balance of power within African countries.

In addition, there has been too much readiness by external powers to consolidate, defend or bail out African tyrants unpopular with their own people. This was so when it was in the interest of those external forces to back up the African tyrants.

Can the new constitutional order in Africa find ways and means of minimising these societal, systemic and global threats to fledgling African democracy?

Some African countries have tried to deal with ethnic rivalry by insisting that no party should be allowed to field candidates for election unless that party is clearly multi-ethnic in both its registered membership and effective leadership.

Each party is thus forced to campaign widely for members from diverse ethnic groups.

In Kenya, a party like the old Islamic Party of Kenya would be called upon to be at least multi-ethnic.

There is not only a disparity of power and wealth among regions in such countries as Kenya, but some areas are losing control over their best land and resources to others. If an appropriate answer is not devised to handle these tendencies of ‘internal colonisation', no democracy can expect to be stable.

In Nigeria, similar disproportionate southern economic penetration of the north was one of the main causes of the country's bitter civil war of 1967-1970. Subsequently, the victimisation of the Ogoni people and Ken Saro-Wiwa by extra-regional forces, culminated in the deplorable 1995 execution of the poet.

Reserving seats

In the past, Africa has experimented with systems that reserved seats for racial groups. After independence, Zimbabwe had reserved seats for whites in the first decade of sovereignty. Is it not time that Africa experimented with gender reservation of seats? Tanzania may already be moving towards reserving 15 percent of parliamentary seats for women.

One possible design for a country like Kenya could be to follow three phases of gender representation.

Phase I: Reserved parliamentary seats for women elected only by women without prejudice to women as either voters or candidates on the common electoral roll as well.

Phase II: Reserved parliamentary seats for women, but elected by both male and female voters, without prejudice to other women standing as candidates on the common electoral roll.

Phase III: Abolition of special seats for women when the evidence shows an adequate parliamentary representation of women without special safeguards.

Obviously a stronger national political culture cannot be built overnight; it will take patience and time. But one nucleus is a Bill of Rights for the citizens which is taken seriously and is actually taught in schools, as well as implemental by the courts. There should also be a Bill of Duties for both the government and citizens, some of which are legal and others ethical.

For example, Kenya children should be taught the nation's Bill of Duties, as well as Bill of Rights. Should there also be a Bill of National Pride? Each province or region should be invited to formulate for the national school syllabus the region's five to seven contributions to the national heritage or national well-being.

For instance, the Coast of Kenya could propose that the entire nation's school children should be reminded that, the Coast is the fountainhead of the national language, Kiswahili. It is also the gateway to the lands beyond the oceans and into East Africa through Kilindini Harbour. The region also enriches the tourist industry through its beaches, and is the nation's oceanic sporting ground. The province is Kenya's strongest cultural link with the Muslim world and with the history of Islam. The region is particularly rich in historical monuments – from the lost cities of Gedi and other Swahili civilisations to Fort Jesus in Mombasa.

Every school child in Kenya should learn about what is special about each province or region of Kenya. Every school child should learn to be proud of them all and have reason to proudly say: "Kenya Yetu."

A Bill of Rights, a Bill of Duties, and a Bill of National Pride could provide the nucleus of a national political culture.

Article Source: http://www.afroarticles.com/article-dashboard

About The Author(s): Prof. Ali Mazrui is Chancellor of Jomo Kenyatta University of Agriculture, Kenya.

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