Dr. Wolassa Kumo

Dr. Wolassa Kumo.Economic growth theories focus on physical and human capital as key determinants of economic growth and development. The neoclassical (exogenous) growth model was based on the assumption that economic advancement was driven by labour, physical capital and technology and that technological change that was critical to growth process occurred by chance and hence was exogenously determined. Accordingly, for this traditional growth model, these factors affect growth only in the short run as the economy converges to the new steady state output level.

The more recent alternative endogenous growth theory emphasizes the role of human capital accumulation (through education and training as well as through investment on health) in economic development and technological change. The theory emphasizes that the enhancement of a nation's human capital will lead to economic growth by means of the development of new forms of technology and efficient and effective means of production thereby endogenizing the technological change.

Since the early 1990s researchers, in particular the World Bank, have focused on the role of social and cultural factors in economic growth. The World Bank's Social Capital Initiative Working Paper Series have inspired further research on the role of social capital in economic development, food security and survival in various developing economies.

Socialcapitalresearch.com defines social capital as "the value of social networks, bonding similar people and bridging between diverse people, with norms of reciprocity." Social capital has three main dimensions: Bonding social capital referring to strong family ties, bridging social capital referring to weak ties among friends and acquaintances and more formal ties linking members of voluntary organizations (Sabatini 2005).

Today there is growing empirical evidence that social capital contributes to sustainable economic development and that exclusive focus on physical and human capital may be misleading.

Apart from being a determinant of economic growth and development social net works, bonds and ties are critical for the survival of more traditional societies during times of economic difficulties. The Sidama historian Mulugeta Bakalo Daye conducted an inspiring field research on disappearing social capital and its implications on food security in Sidama. I herewith integrally publish his article below in three parts.

Fast Disappearing Social Capital among the Sidama of southern Ethiopia and its implication on Food Security: Part II

Mulugeta Bakkalo Daye
June 17, 2010

5. Other types of social capital in Sidama

During periods of crisis and abnormal times, this spirit of sharing is extended in more consolidated and organized ways. The Sidama have various systems of intervention for various types of crisis and abnormality faced by individuals or groups of individuals. Table 1, shows some of the Sidama names for the various types of crisis and the various forms of interventions and actions.

Table 1 The examples of social capitals and their role against crises among the Sidama No. Sidama name Type of crises and abnormalities faced by individuals Actions that community takes to assist individuals in difficulties

1. Kayiisha Unexpected death of cow, ox, bull, heifer not by diseases but by other accidents The meat of animal divided among neighboring households, then money is raised for the owner to replace animal

2. Foocho Crop failure The household that faces crop failure is entitled to a small amount of crop from each of those who have had a good harvest when they collect their crops from the fields

3. Aewo Massive cattle loss by diseases or raids The household facing such a crisis will be given lactating animals by those who have many cattle on condition that offspring are returned to the donor

4. Jirte Human death The community has a responsibility to bury the dead body (madarasha), to feed surviving members of the household until they recover from stress, and to feed the guests who join the mourning ceremony 5Dhiwamoha la'a Sickness Neighbors visit and give money, food and other basic needs

6. Dartu mana adha Refugee Sharing displaced people among society and giving them accommodation, food and other basic needs

7. Seera Homelessness Those people whose houses are ruined are helped to construct a new one by the community, which is divided into teams to construct walls and roof and cover the roof with the grass

8. Xaare/ Sicho Crop theft Rituals are performed to protecting the crops of individuals. Putting specific leaves and grasses on the property of someone symbolizes that it should be left untouched Source: Researcher's Sidama field study 2008-2009.

These are just a few of the organic socio-psychological practices based on the ethics of co-operation that operate in Sidama society. These organic social practices are inherent in Sidama culture. However, there are individuals and group of individuals whose economic capabilities are deteriorating, and who consequently are not in a position to practice those traditional values accepted by Sidama society. Those groups, however, are not excluded from Sidama society as a whole on account of their failure to meet the criteria of reciprocity. One can expect social conflict when vulnerable groups fail to give back what they have taken, economically or materially, owing to the circumstances in which they find themselves. However, they give back, to those who have helped them during times of crisis, honor and prestige. It is this exchange of economic, material and social status that maintains the ties of reciprocity between those who render visible economic material assistance during times of crisis such as food insecurity and shortages and who take invisible social status (prestige, honor) from this, and those who are vulnerable.

The binding force of this social capital may be the religious philosophy and world outlook of the sidama. The traditional Sidama religion is monotheistic, entailing belief in one supreme God, but veneration of the spirits of ancestors is also notable in Sidama communal and personal worship. These spirits of ancestors are associated with particular holy places such as ancestral tombs, mountains and hills. All the natural resources around these places are highly respected, and no one dares to use them. This has had a vital influence in terms of the protection of forests.

In addition, trees are highly respected and protected in Sidama society. One reason for this is that it is under the shade of large trees that most gatherings and meetings of the council of elders take place. This veneration of and respect for the natural environment inherent in Sidama religious thinking plays an important part in famine prevention, because large trees and forests are seen as the residence of spirits that bring good fortune to the communities living around. The Sidama conserve and protect natural forests against deforestation, which is one of the main causes of aridity and drought.

Another perspective in which Sidama religion plays an important role in famine prevention is associated with time. Time is one of the most important resources people have in relation to the processes that range from production to consumption. Unlike other religions, the Sidama religion is not time-consuming. For instance, in addition to Sunday which is dedicated to worshipping God, the monthly timetable of Abyssinian Orthodox Church followers contains numerous days dedicated to the devotion, veneration and worship of various saints and angels. On these days no work is done, and this has an immense negative impact on the production of food and other important economic goods and services. In the Sidama religion, by contrast, there are no specific dates for worship, and no giving up of working time for saints and angels. Sidama religious thinking is well-integrated into daily life, but not in such a way that it cuts across working time.

A further role played by Sidama religious thinking in famine prevention processes relates to the spiritual value that derives from the offering of support to those who are suffering. This creates not only a moral obligation, but also a kind of reciprocity, not between those who are being helped, but between the helper and God on behalf of the helped. When Sidama religious observers assist those who are experiencing problems they do not expect anything, except for blessings and an abundance of wealth from God.

Those organic Social Capital are disappearing fast and their survival is confined to remote rural areas out of the touch of modernization. At the same time no attention is paid to the role they can play in food security and community cohesion. If attention is paid, the value of organic social capital can be foundation for the ethics of government and non-government grass-root organizations, who strive for achieving food security.

Achieving an understanding of institutional capabilities is one of the fundamental issues in dealing with abnormalities and crises such as famine, since such an understanding enables relief and development planners to identify vulnerable groups and the source of their vulnerability, to explore indigenous ways of dealing with unexpected events, and to tap local knowledge and daily routines which they can adapt to their plans and use, rather than investing large amounts of money in creating new organizations, money that could better be used to fund additional programmes and projects designed to enhance recovery and development.

From the Sidama case study the researcher came to learn that there is divided priority for the successive regimes in Ethiopia , and reciprocally , divided loyalty from the people. For the former, their priorities were enhancing single ethnic dominations over the people who became their subject by force not by choice. For the latter, their loyalty is for their own indigenous social structure instead of imposed interest of single ethnic domination. Therefore, it appears appropriate to study the indigenous political institution to which the sidama grass roots pay more loyalties.

Kinship and neighborhood affiliation are the most important aspects of the Sidama political institutions and ways of life, because they form various networks of interpersonal relationships, which lay the foundations for trust, loyalty, commitment, and for communication and mutual understanding. The breadth of the ethic of co-operation is highly correlated with kinship and community. At present there is parallel political capital in Sidama. Those are modern Ethiopian political structures that are established one hundred years ago. In the following section the researcher will attempt to explore the survival of the Sidama indigenous social asset, its structure, and functions amid these structures.

Part III will follow