Calm on Criminal ‘Ethiopia’ – Hullabaloo for Zimbabwe: Jendayi Frazer’s Anti-African Lunacy

By: Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
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[ Posted On: 2008-06-25 ]

Fact sheets, figures, video-clips, photographical evidence, bibliography, roundtables, daily press briefings, statements made by the Secretary of State!

All means of overt and covert diplomatic pressure have been employed by the salacious and acrimonious authorities of the State Department against President Mugabe.

At the same time, despite the recent publication of the Human Rights Watch Report on Ogaden, the same authorities, who so much protest against the Zimbabwean President because he expropriated a few British colonial land owners from their estates, have nothing to say for the impermissible existence of the tyrannical state 'Ethiopia'.

The impermissible existence of the tyrannical state 'Ethiopia'

A dozen of subjugated and tyrannized nations, the Oromos, the Ogadenis, the Sidamas, the Afars, the Kaffas, the Shekachos, the Kambatas, the Hadiyas, the Gedeo, the Wolayitas, the Anuak, the Agaw, the Shinasha, the Berta, and the Gumuz, have been exposed to inhuman oppression and both, physical and spiritual, genocide at the hands of the cruel and merciless Amhara and Tigray Monophysitic (heretic) Abyssinians for more than a century, yet the State Department top representatives have nothing to say.

Ogaden became known to the entire world for the carpet bombing of villages, extensive practices of rape, extrajudicial killings, tortures and all sorts of acts of racist, anti-Somali, anti-Ogadeni revenge and hatred, but Condoleezza Rice, Jendayi Frazer, Tom Casey, and McCormack have nothing to say.

I have collected here all the texts related to Africa that have been published by the State Department over the past week.

Read and compare them with the parts of the Human Rights Watch Report on Ogaden that I have republished thus far (for new readers here: http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/65437, http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/65593, http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/65785,
http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/65831, http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/65950, http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/66078, and (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/66188).

If you find it ridiculous for the US State Department employees and authorities to focus on the fact that in Zimbabwe "Government security forces continue to raid many civil society offices, confiscating computers and files, destroying property, and intimidating staff", and at the same time to forget that, in Abyssinia's tyrannized Ogaden, "on May 8, 2007, army soldiers detained a 20-year-old charcoal seller from Kabridahar town while she was collecting wood near the military base in the Bam Burat area. The soldiers accused her of spying for the ONLF, and immediately began beating her with the wood she had collected and jumping on her body. At least three soldiers raped the woman", react in any way you find better.

Call them! Do not let them think that they will get away with this method! They can be impeached; remind them of this possibility!

Call Jendayi Frazer and protest!

Call Mr. Sean McCormack to express your indignation about his guilty silence: call him at (202) 647-6607.

Call Mr. Tom Casey to signal your fury for his hypocrisy; call at (202) 647-9606.

And call Jendayi Frazer to tell her never to say again that Ogaden is an internal affair of 'Ethiopia'.

Give her a lesson that Ogaden concerns all the humans allover the world.

Call her at (202) 647-2530 or (202) 647-73201 (http://www.state.gov/documents/organization/82081.pdf).

What follows is the evidence of the US State Department's African complicity, mendacity, hypocrisy and guilt.

A great shame for the land of George Washington, Benjamin Franklin, Jefferson, Madison, and Williamson.

In all their recent demarches and briefings, they focused on Zimbabwe, ignoring the far more critical case of Criminal 'Ethiopia', the obsolete colonial state of Africa's most monstrous butcher, the Tigray thug Meles Zenawi.

Africa: Hope Fades for Free Elections in Zimbabwe during Government Campaign of Terror
http://www.state.gov/g/drl/rls/104399.htm

Fact Sheet - Thu, 19 Jun 2008 09:39:31 -0500
Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor
Washington, DC

Escalating violence and intimidation in Zimbabwe is seriously jeopardizing any hope of free and fair elections in the upcoming June 27, 2008 presidential run-off. In the aftermath of the March 29 national elections, Robert Mugabe's ruling ZANU-PF party has unleashed a wave of political violence designed to force opposition party supporters and ordinary citizens into submission and deter them from voting their conscience or even participating in the June contest. The government recently banned most political rallies. While the courts defeated this ban, Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) presidential candidate Morgan Tsvangirai has been detained five times while campaigning in recent weeks and police have confiscated campaign vehicles. Soldiers, police, war veterans and youth militia loyal to the ruling party have been deployed throughout Zimbabwe to systematically intimidate voters through killings, beatings, torture, looting of property, burning of homes, arbitrary detentions, and public humiliation. Family members of MDC leaders including women, children, and the elderly have not been spared. Civil society groups, particularly those involved in election monitoring, the independent media, and humanitarian organizations charged with providing desperately needed food assistance also have been targeted. Diplomats attempting to document the violence have been detained and harassed.

Political Targeting

Authorities illegally detained Morgan Tsvangirai on five separate occasions: June 4 and 6, twice on June 12, and again on June 14, preventing him from attending MDC rallies. Police impounded Tsvangirai's two campaign buses, but recently released one.

MDC Secretary General Tendai Biti was arrested on June 12 and charged with communicating statements prejudicial to the State and treason, which carries the death penalty. Reporters were barred from his June 14 court appearance.

On June 7, the wife of an MDC district chairman was murdered by a member of the ZANU-PF militia, who cut off her hands and legs and set her body on fire.

On June 6, the home of an MDC district councilor in a Harare suburb was set on fire by a ZANU-PF mob. The councilor's six-year-old son and pregnant wife were killed in the fire and neighbors were beaten.

On June 4, a group of gunmen in riot police uniforms broke into an MDC office where six people were hiding. They shot three, poured gasoline over all six, and set them on fire. Two died, two are in the hospital with severe burns, one escaped with burns, and one is missing.

An MDC provincial treasurer was abducted at gunpoint in broad daylight on May 22 and later murdered. His mutilated body was found May 25.

At least eight newly elected MDC parliamentarians have been arrested or detained and at least one remains in prison in defiance of a court order to release him.

The government has banned rallies by the opposition party, although on June 7 the High Court issued a provisional order allowing four MDC rallies in Harare to proceed.

The government is confiscating the identity cards of some MDC supporters, rendering them unable to vote or collect food aid from the government.

On April 25, police raided MDC party headquarters and took more than 300 persons into custody, many of whom were being sheltered by the MDC after having their homes burned. The detainees were later released; however, as many as 500 displaced people remain at party headquarters.

Repression of Civil Society and Intimidation of the Media

On June 14, Mugabe announced that he was prepared to go to war to prevent the opposition from governing.

Zimbabwean security forces have set up torture camps throughout the country. Human Rights Watch reported that at one of these camps, more than 70 individuals were tortured in one day as part of ZANU-PF's "re-education campaign" led by so-called "war veterans" and youth militia who were seeking to punish MDC supporters. Six died as a result, and about 30 others were hospitalized. Many of the victims required skin grafts and suffered from mutilated genitals.

Victims have suffered severe beatings, lacerations, fractured and shattered bones, gunshot wounds, and burns. Some victims have had their eyes gouged out and their tongues cut off.

Police raided the offices of the Zimbabwe Election Support Network (ZESN), the independent organization that monitored the March 29 election. ZESN has yet to receive accreditation from the government to monitor the June 27 run-off.

Eight ZESN observers have been beaten and 18 have been forced into hiding.

Government security forces beat more than 60 members of the civil society organization Women of Zimbabwe Arise (WOZA) for participation in a pro-democracy protest on May 5; 14 WOZA members were arrested, and one remains in jail.

Police arrested three student leaders after they refused to end demonstrations against the Mugabe regime's political violence. Several students were injured as police broke up the protest.

At least five Zimbabwean journalists and five members of the foreign media have been arrested or detained in relation to election coverage.

Three South African journalists were arrested and sentenced to six months in jail for possessing broadcasting equipment without a license, a charge that until now has only resulted in fines.

Eight senior officials have been fired or suspended at the government-run Zimbabwean Broadcasting Corporation, reportedly for political reasons.

Government security forces continue to raid many civil society offices, confiscating computers and files, destroying property, and intimidating staff.

Worship has become dangerous for many Zimbabweans following a split in the Anglican Church between two bishops, one a loyal ZANU-PF supporter. In April and May police officials stormed Anglican churches, breaking up services and attacking worshipers, mostly women, with batons. Police actions against citizens also include arresting parishioners, interrogating priests and lay leaders, and locking doors of churches to keep worshippers away.

Humanitarian Crisis

The government suspended all NGO activities on June 5, including emergency food distributions. This put at risk several million people, including orphans, vulnerable people, and those infected with HIV/AIDS. On June 18 the government lifted the ban on organizations involved in food distribution and HIV/AIDS treatment.

By some estimates, up to 3 million citizens of Zimbabwe have fled their country due to economic pressures or political violence.

The government appears to be distributing food and other goods in a partisan manner: While police watched, a group of "war vets" hijacked the truck of a USAID partner NGO and stole 20 metric tons of US Government humanitarian food aid destined for hungry school children in Marange District, Manicaland on June 6.

State agents are harassing and threatening the personal safety of NGO workers around the country, even those complying with the NGO suspension.

For More Information:

• http://hrw.org/reports/2008/zimbabwe0608/

• http://www.amnesty.org/en/library/info/AFR46/014/2008/en

Images: http://www.sokwanele.com/gallery/albums (WARNING: graphic images)

Video clips: http://www.solidaritypeacetrust.org/index.php

"We are deeply troubled by the current reports of intimidation, harassment and violence. It is vital that the appropriate conditions are created so that the Presidential run-off is conducted in a peaceful, free and fair manner. Only then can the political parties conduct their election campaign in a way that enables the citizens to express freely their political will."
From: Open letter from more than 40 prominent African leaders

Political Violence in Numbers

• Attacks: 3,000
• Killed: 54
• Missing: 200
• Displaced: Over 30,000
• Victims requiring medical treatment: 3,000

Picture: Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change, MDC, supporters are taken by police from outside the Harvest House, the headquarters of the MDC, in Harare, Zimbabwe, Friday April 25, 2008. Scores of heavily armed police raided opposition headquarters in Harare on Friday, forcibly taking hundreds into custody and arresting 300 people, opposition officials said. The opposition and independent religious and human rights groups have accused President Robert Mugabe's regime of a violent crackdown on dissent since the March 29 elections. ©AP Image

Africa: Roundtable on Zimbabwe with Burkina Faso Foreign Minister Djibrill Bassolé and United Nations Permanent Representatives -- http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2008/06/106116.htm

Secretary Condoleezza Rice
United Nations Security Council
New York, New York - Fri, 20 Jun 2008 12:47:12 -0500

SECRETARY RICE: (In progress.) Honorable Ministers, Your Excellencies, Ladies and Gentlemen, Minister Bassolé and I agreed to host this meeting out of our great concern about the welfare of the Zimbabwean people and President Mugabe's tyranny (inaudible) for violence, about the viability of the democratic process in Zimbabwe as we approach the second round of presidential elections and about the troubling effects of Zimbabwe's political instability and economic collapse on the security of its neighbors.

Following the discussion of the Council just held this morning on women, peace, and security, we must acknowledge that Zimbabwean women and children are also being brutally attacked for merely seeking to express their peaceful desire for political and economic changes in their country. This is horrifying and intolerable. And we demand that it end immediately.

By its actions, the Mugabe regime has given up any pretense that the June 27 elections will be allowed to proceed in a free and fair manner. Regime supporters, including police and so-called war veterans, have killed more than 60 opposition supporters, injured thousands, and terrorized, intimidated, or displaced many more. Opposition leaders have been baselessly arrested and repeatedly attacked. This orchestrated campaign of violence and harassment by the regime is designed to prevent Zimbabwe's opposition from conducting its peaceful election campaign.

Indeed, President Mugabe has told his supporters that areas where Zimbabweans vote for the opposition in the first round of elections should be cleansed. President Mugabe's regime is using food as a political weapon, confiscating food aid shipments and denying opposition supporters, even young children, access to food. Just recently, the Zimbabwe Government ordered almost all international organizations and NGOs to shut down their operations (inaudible), depriving Zimbabweans, including those displaced by violence, of basic humanitarian assistance. The regime's campaign of harassment has extended to foreign diplomats as well. And in the face of such egregious incidents, we seriously believe that the regime will [not] permit international election observers to operate freely before and during the June 27 vote.

The political instability and economic collapse created by the Zimbabwean Government's actions are destabilizing an entire region. And the United States continues to support Africans' efforts to resolve this crisis. We stand fully behind the efforts of the Southern African Development Community. And we encourage SADC, the African Union, and all other governments and organizations that are invited to observe the elections to send as many observers as possible, as early as possible, and to insist that they be given full freedom to operate and (inaudible) their observations.

The United States welcomes Secretary General Ban's appointment of Assistant Secretary General Haile Menkerios as his Special Envoy. How is President Mugabe and his leadership responding? The increasing violence and repression against the Zimbabwean people and threatening that regime's supporters will take up arms if the opposition wins the upcoming election. Clearly, we have reached a point where broader, stronger international effort is needed. We commend the 14 African former presidents and dignitaries, including former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan and Nobel Laureate Desmond Tutu, whose call for Zimbabwean authorities to allow a free and fair election on June 27th. We urge the SADC to increase its pressure on President Mugabe and his followers to stop this violence immediately, to permit the resumption of humanitarian activities to allow the election to proceed freely and fairly, and to abide peacefully by the results.

This April, South Africa led the UN Security Council in adopting Resolution 1809, which expressed the Council's determination to strengthen its cooperation with regional organizations to prevent conflict. The SADC is working to do just that in Zimbabwe, and the Security Council's consideration of Zimbabwe at this time would put the international community's weight squarely behind SADC's efforts.

Ladies and gentlemen, President Mugabe has squandered the promise of the very nation that was once hailed as the jewel of Africa and that he led to independence. He is instead turning it into a failed state that threatens not only the lives of Zimbabweans, but the security and stability of all of southern Africa.

We need to ask now: If Zimbabwe could make a transition to democracy; so much would be possible for its people. The international community would finally have a real partner, a democratic partner, and we would fully support a democratic Zimbabwe's efforts to rebuild its economy and reduce inflation, to govern by the rule of law, to undertake difficult but necessary reform, and to expand peace and opportunity and social justice for its people. In short, we could help Zimbabweans fulfill the pride of knowing that their nation is once again the jewel of Africa.

I want to thank you all for participating today. I look forward to your comments and contributions. And now, I would like to turn the floor to Minister Bassolé, my co-chairman. Thank you very much.

FOREIGN MINISTER BASSOLE': (Via interpreter.) Thank you. (Inaudible) Secretary General of the United Nations, (inaudible) Ambassadors, Ladies and Gentlemen, as an introduction to our discussion on the situation in Zimbabwe, I would first and foremost like to thank Ms. Rice for having invited me to co-chair this roundtable. I would like to welcome the presence of the Secretary General of the United Nations, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, for his commitment through the appointment of Mr. Haile Menkerios as Special Envoy of the United Nations to Zimbabwe. He will need our support in order to ensure that his mandate be concluded successfully. And finally, I would like to pay tribute to the SADC and the African Union for the many initiatives that they have undertaken in order to seek a peaceful resolution to the current crisis.

Ladies and gentlemen, the electoral process currently taking place in Zimbabwe is undergoing serious difficulties which clearly indicate that the security situation will only deteriorate if nothing is done by the regional and international communities to create an environment that is propitious for a free and fair presidential election. The acts of violence that we have recorded in the field are grievously harming the population within the country and represent a growing threat to peace and security in this region of Africa.

This being the case, Burkina Faso as a Security Council member believes that it is the duty of the international community, through the Security Council and its mission of prevention, to closely monitor the situation in order to ensure that the foreseeable escalation of violence not definitively bring the country to a serious humanitarian crisis and disorder which will reach beyond the borders. A country which is also a member of the African Union Security Council would like to recall that the constitutive act has established that one of its principles is to promote peace, security, and stability throughout the continent, to promote the principles and democratic institutions, the participation of the population and good government, to promote and protect human rights and the rights of peoples in keeping with the African charter of human rights and peoples, as well as other relevant instruments in the field of human rights.

Ladies and gentlemen, Burkina Faso, as all Africans states, is aware of the fact that the scourges of conflicts in Africa are a major obstacle to the economic and social development of the continent. The situation in Zimbabwe could compromise the efforts for development and integration of the region as well as the human security, both for the African population and others. May the fruit of our discussions guarantee to the Zimbabwean people peaceful, free and fair elections which will preserve peace and stability in this country, which is so dear to us. Thank you.

Africa: Daily Press Briefing -- June 19 – US Views on President Mugabe's Government
http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2008/jun/106087.htm

Tom Casey, Deputy Spokesman
Daily Press Briefing - Thu, 19 Jun 2008 16:44:34 -0500
Washington, DC

Index:
Zimbabwe
US Views on President Mugabe's Government

MR. CASEY: Okay. Good afternoon, guys. I know a couple of you asked this morning about the Secretary's upcoming travel plans. And lo and behold, I have an announcement for you that we'll put out in a paper copy after the briefing, but this concerns Secretary Rice's travel to Germany, Japan, South Korea and China.

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice will travel June 23rd to 30th to Germany, Japan, the Republic of Korea and the People's Republic of China. In Germany, she'll be attending the International Conference in Support of Palestinian Civil Security and Rule of Law, as well as doing some bilateral consultations with German and European officials there. In Japan, of course, as she's already noted publicly, she'll be attending the G8 Ministerial there – that's June 26th to 28th – and that will cover the range of issues that the Japanese have put at the forefront of the G8 agenda.

She will also, while there, be participating with her Australian and Japanese counterparts in another round of the Trilateral Strategic Dialogue. And then after Japan, she'll be traveling on to Seoul – and that's June 28th and 29th – for bilateral consultations there. Obviously, part of that will be a discussion of the six-party talks, as I would expect it would be with some of her Japanese counterparts as well.

And then traveling on from there, she'll be going to China on June 29th and 30th. She'll be making two stops there. The first is she's going to travel to Chengdu and will be there to, among other things, express condolences on behalf of the American people for the earthquake, and meet with some local officials and aid organizations that are working on the relief effort there. She'll then go on to Beijing and be there for meetings with Chinese Foreign Minister Yang as well as other senior officials. And again, I expect they'll have consultations on a wide variety of both regional and bilateral issues; certainly, six-party talks among them as well as some of the broader global issues that are always on our agenda with China.

So that's the itinerary as we have it for now. And with that, I'll take your questions on this or anything else. Or not, if you don't have any. (Laughter.)

Yes, sir.

QUESTION: Tom, we got a quote out of Downing Street that Mugabe is one step away from an ICC indictment. And I know Ambassador McGee has been quite outspoken on this, but can you reiterate State's position on Mugabe now?

MR. CASEY: (Laughter.) Beyond – you mean beyond what the Secretary said yesterday?

QUESTION: Yeah.

MR. CASEY: What she's saying today up in New York – look, I think it's fairly simple. What we believe needs to happen in Zimbabwe is a free and fair election in which the people have the opportunity to choose their leadership. President's Mugabe's regime has an unfortunate track record over the past many years in terms of taking Zimbabwe from being a net producer of food to a net importer, to a country that used to be able to sustain itself politically, economically and otherwise, to one that is in crisis politically and is unable to feed its people, and that has a government that routinely oppresses individuals who are not fully supportive of President Mugabe and his party. So we believe that the time has to come for the Zimbabwean people to be able to exercise their views and choose their leadership in free and fair elections.

QUESTION: And does State believe he's in breach of international humanitarian law at this point?

MR. CASEY: I can go get you 50 lawyers from upstairs and they can give you an answer to that question after they consider it for about six months. Look, I don't technically know what – you know, what we would consider the legal status of it. What we do – what we can tell you, though, is that we have a president of an important country in Africa who has taken his country from respect to ruin. And you heard from Prime Minister Odinga yesterday describing his views of the government in Zimbabwe and how tragic it has been for the people of that country.

Whatever legal status it has, the fact remains that the government of President Mugabe has done a tremendous disservice to the people of that country. And certainly, the people of that country deserve better than they've gotten from his government over the last few years.

QUESTION: Great. Thanks.

MR. CASEY: Yeah. Thanks, guys.

Crisis in Zimbabwe - Statement by Secretary Condoleezza Rice
http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/2008/06/106150.htm

Washington, DC
June 23, 2008

Yet another vicious assault on the opposition and its supporters for exercising their right to assemble and their right to free speech has reinforced that it is impossible for there to be a free, fair or peaceful election in Zimbabwe on June 27. Due to these and other events, and out of concern for the lives of his Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) supporters, Morgan Tsvangirai announced he will no longer contest the run-off election.

The United States condemns in the strongest terms the Government of Zimbabwe's continuing campaign of violence against its own people. It is abundantly clear that Mugabe is determined to thwart the will of the people of Zimbabwe as so clearly expressed on March 29. Reports that international election monitors were also victims of state-sponsored violence are particularly troubling.

Both the MDC and Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) parties must work together on behalf of the people of Zimbabwe. The Mugabe regime cannot be considered legitimate in the absence of a runoff. In forsaking the most basic tenet of governance – the protection of its people – the Government of Zimbabwe must be held accountable by the international community. We call upon the Southern African Development Community, African Union Peace and Security Council, and the United Nations Security Council to take up this issue immediately.

Africa: Daily Press Briefing -- June 20 – Opposition Party Status in Upcoming Election
http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2008/jun/106135.htm

Sean McCormack, Spokesman
Africa: Daily Press Briefing - Fri, 20 Jun 2008 16:56:23 -0500
Washington, DC

Index:
Zimbabwe
Opposition Party Status in Upcoming Election
Mugabe Government's Threatening Tactics/U.S. Hope for Move Forward

MR. MCCORMACK: Yeah.

QUESTION: Zimbabwe?

MR. MCCORMACK: Zimbabwe, sure.

QUESTION: Tsvangirai's spokesman has said he is considering whether to pull out of the June 27 runoff. I would note that Secretary Rice yesterday, I think, made her most sort of definitive statement that she simply does not believe that this can be a free and fair election.

MR. MCCORMACK: Mm-hmm.

QUESTION: Given that that's her assessment, is this the right thing for him to do, to pull out of a runoff election which presumably then just leaves Mugabe in the seat of power?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, there are a lot of – it's a fluid situation, in that I know that President Mbeki is involved with both parties here, President Mugabe as well as Mr. Tsvangirai. So I – and I don't have a read for you on those discussions at this point. There was a clear sense sitting in that room yesterday that others in the room shared Secretary Rice's assessment. I think that the UN had a very strong assessment in terms of whether or not these could be free and fair elections, as well as others on the African continent, whether or not these could be free or fair elections.

All of that said, we are still going to continue with preparations for election observers in the event that an election does take place, so you do have a more definitive picture of what is taking place on the ground. All of that said, an election doesn't just happen on one day. There's a whole run-up period here, and the Zimbabwean Government has clearly demonstrated that it is not going to allow free access to media for Mr. Tsvangirai and his party. They are clearly using tactics of threat and intimidation, despicable things, like making a parent choose between feeding their child and voting their conscience. That is – well, words are hard to come by to describe that.

So there is a real, I would say, coming together in the international community that the situation in Zimbabwe is just intolerable, and that a solution needs to be found. And a solution needs to be

found so that Zimbabwe can start to move forward from this sort of dark period that it has been in and one that avoids violence and bloodshed. Nobody wants to see that.

QUESTION: Is there not a danger, though, that if Mr. Tsvangirai – and I realize this is entirely the decision – his decision and those of his, you know, political allies, but if he pulls out, it simply allows Mugabe to, you know, declare victory. Whereas, if he contests it and the results look grossly skewed in favor of the ruling party, you know, then the international community, to the extent that it has observers, can declare it a fraud. I mean, there's a danger when you sit it out.

MR. MCCORMACK: Right, right. And those are political calculations that we can't make for Mr. Tsvangirai and his party. He will have to do that. But there are active efforts to try to find some resolution to this issue that again allows Zimbabwe to move forward and avoids violence and bloodshed.

QUESTION: What kind of (inaudible) --

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, President Mbeki -- again, there are a lot of different reports out there, and we haven't gotten a read from the South African Government about the most recent set of meetings. So I'm not going to – I'm going to withhold comment about what it – what was involved in their discussions.

QUESTION: But does it mean --

QUESTION: You're (inaudible) with the South Africans?

MR. MCCORMACK: Yeah, absolutely. As a matter of fact, Secretary Rice had a good conversation with Foreign Minister Zuma after the Zimbabwe session. She was going back up to have a meeting with Secretary General Ban Ki-moon and they were able to have a five, ten minute conversation.

QUESTION: And you think that the South Africans are now heeding the call and they're actually doing something?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, again, President Mbeki is actively – and it would seem actively --

QUESTION: Well, President Mbeki has been actively –

MR. MCCORMACK: I know --

QUESTION: -- allegedly actively involved in this for years. And you guys have been harping on – that the South Africans have to do more, they have to do more…

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, right.

QUESTION: -- they have to do more. Are they now doing more?

MR. MCCORMACK: Right. They -- I think if you look at some of what is being said by the South Africans, I think you're seeing a different – a change in tone. And I think that that change in tone is starting to reflect a different posture.

QUESTION: And what --

MR. MCCORMACK: But again, I'm not going to – you know, I'm not going to speak to --

QUESTION: So what can you point to in this change of tone?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, some of the recent statements from the South Africans and a little bit of the Secretary's conversation with the Foreign Minister Zuma.

QUESTION: But then why did he snub you yesterday? I mean, if the tone has suddenly changed and gone in a -- you know, a more positive direction, why send the deputy perm rep instead of the foreign minister?

MR. MCCORMACK: I think – you know, that's their choice. I'm sure that it probably has to do with their internal – internal politics. But the end result was a very good session on Zimbabwe, with or without the South African Foreign Minister there.

QUESTION: But are you telling us that your position – the U.S. position to a national unity government is softening?

MR. MCCORMACK: No. I'm not – trying to presume the content or outcome of any discussions that President Mbeki has said. We --

QUESTION: But that's what he is working on.

MR. MCCORMACK: We are looking for a solution, along with all the others that were in that room yesterday and others that were outside watching; looking for a solution that helps Zimbabwe move beyond this period and helps them move beyond this time and this crisis in a way that doesn't result in loss of life and significant violence.

QUESTION: Can you tell us a little more about what – it seems that there probably aren't going to be sufficient observers in the country in time for the election. Can you tell us what the Embassy is planning on doing over the next week to get in place and prepare for its own --

MR. MCCORMACK: Let me try to – I'll try to get some more granularity for you as well. And one of the things we're going to try to organize for you guys is next week another conference call with Ambassador McGee. And we'll try to provide you information either today or Monday with a little more detail as to what the Embassy is doing. Then, also, he can give you a real sense for what's happening on the ground, at least how he sees it.

QUESTION: Broadly speaking, can you tell us what they've found?

MR. MCCORMACK: Kirit, I don't have the information at my fingertips.
Yes.

QUESTION: Sean, you're not speaking directly to the opposition to persuade them about - or dissuade them from dropping out?

MR. MCCORMACK: These are decisions that they are going to have to make. I'm sure we're in contact with a wide variety of people in the Zimbabwean political system. But --

QUESTION: But you did not –

MR. MCCORMACK: Any decision about participation or not in the election is really and very clearly and emphatically only theirs to make.
Gollust.

QUESTION: Sean, the Indian Government, the leaders of the Indian Government apparently --

QUESTION: But can I just –

MR. MCCORMACK: Oh, please. Please. Yeah.

QUESTION: -- as the situation as it is in Zimbabwe, Sean, are you confident and trust the mediation as driven by South Africa?

MR. MCCORMACK: Well, let's just put it this way, there is a lot of focus and attention on this issue and that's one of the reasons why the Secretary wanted to have this meeting yesterday, which was co-chaired by the Foreign Minister of Burkina Faso. So there is a lot of attention – a lot of attention on the issue. I think that there is a critical mass building within the international system for the kind of resolution that we've talked about to this issue. And I think the South African Government has an increasing awareness that the eyes of the world are not only on Zimbabwe, but also on them, because they understand that they have a unique – they are uniquely positioned, vis-à-vis President Mugabe, to try to bring about some positive outcome from a very dire situation. And we'll see how they react to that, how they react to that attention. And the evidence of their reaction will either emerge or not emerge over the coming week.

QUESTION: Thank you.

Africa: Daily Press Briefing -- June 23 – Zimbabwe
http://www.state.gov/r/pa/prs/dpb/2008/jun/106183.htm

Tom Casey, Deputy Spokesman
Mon, 23 Jun 2008 16:42:46 -0500
Daily Press Briefing
Washington, DC

Index:
Zimbabwe

- Secretary Rice's Statement on Opposition Leader Pulling out of Election Run-Off
- Discussion of Run-Off Election in UN Security Council Today
- U.S. Urges African Union to Take Up Issue of Election
- No Immediate Plans to Recall Ambassador McGee
- U.S. Has Limited Ability to Influence Mugabe Regime

South Africa

- Secretary Rice's Discussion with Foreign Minister Zuma Regarding Zimbabwe
South Africa Has Important Role to Play as Well as Other Members of SADC

MR. CASEY: Okay. Good afternoon, everybody. I don't have anything to start you with, so let's see what you got. Yeah, Kirit.

QUESTION: Anything to say about Zimbabwe and the –

Okay, Kirit.

QUESTION: Do you have anything for us on Zimbabwe, the decision by the opposition leader to pull out of the election or out of the runoff?

MR. CASEY: In addition to what the Secretary said in her statement?

QUESTION: In addition to that.

MR. CASEY: Let me just try and paraphrase that for you. First of all, we understand and respect the reasons why Morgan Tsvangirai pulled out of the runoff election. As the Secretary said in her statement, it is abundantly clear that Mugabe's determined to thwart the will of the people of Zimbabwe. And it is equally clear to us that the Mugabe regime cannot be considered legitimate in the absence of a runoff.

So as you know, we are going to be discussing this issue in the Security Council today. We are urging that the South African – Southern African, excuse me, Development Community as well as the African Union take up this issue on an urgent basis. We believe that the international community needs to work together, and particularly those states that have influence over the Zimbabwe regime need to work together to end the violence and to be able to reach a political solution to this crisis.

Yeah, Nina.

QUESTION: Tsvangirai went to the Dutch Embassy.

MR. CASEY: Yeah.

QUESTION: Do you know what's going to happen next with him? Did the U.S. Embassy offer him any sanctuary or any arrangements for his safety?

MR. CASEY: Well, my understanding is, and I've seen Dutch officials speaking to this, that he is presently at the Dutch Embassy. We have not had any communications with him today, so I can't speak to any request he might make to the United States. I'll leave it up to the Dutch in terms of talking about his status there.

Certainly, it's obvious to us and to everyone else that he has concerns about his own security as well as those of his supporters. And that's just reflective of the kind of environment that has been created by the Mugabe regime, which clearly does not want to have to face the voters, and clearly does not want to comply with the will of Zimbabwean people.

QUESTION: And what about any calls between Rice and the Ambassador? Any high-level communications?

MR. CASEY: Well, as you know, the Secretary is traveling and she's en route to Germany right now. I don't have an update on calls she may have made while on the plane. Certainly, this is an issue she is following closely. Jendayi Frazer has been in contact with a number of officials in the region. I know the Secretary did call her South African counterpart yesterday in large measure to discuss the situation in Zimbabwe.

Yeah, Kirit.

QUESTION: Can you tell us a little more about what she'd like to see come out of the Security Council meeting and what, if any, steps the U.S. is prepared to take to pressure the Mugabe government more?

MR. CASEY: Well, first of all, I think it's important that the Security Council session take place. I think it's reflective of the fact that there is widespread concern throughout the international community with the situation in Zimbabwe. Certainly, we would like to see the Council take note of the situation there and act strongly on this subject. But I'll leave it to the members of the Council to discuss specific actions.

We do believe, though, that this is a measure that shouldn't just be a one-off or a one-time discussion in the Council. This is something that really does represent a grave concern for all the international community and it's one that the Council, as well as the other bodies I mentioned – SADC and the African Union – need to be engaged with and need to be engaged with until we can reach a political resolution there.

QUESTION: And is the U.S. considering any sort of other actions that – in order to pressure the Mugabe government – what about sanctions or any other –

MR. CASEY: Well, I think we're – as you know, we already have a fairly strong series of sanctions in place against individuals – leadership of the regime, Mugabe and his immediate family as well as many of his associates. Certainly, we will look at ways that we can strengthen those measures and we'll also look at other diplomatic tools that are available to us to try and make the regime do what is in everyone's best interest, which is end the violence and reach a political accommodation.

Yeah. Viola. Sorry.

QUESTION: What about the – can you tell us more about the Secretary's discussion with Thabo Mbeki yesterday?

MR. CASEY: Well, it wasn't with President Mbeki. It was with Foreign Minister Zuma, as I mentioned. I don't have a detailed readout of that call, but certainly, it was an opportunity for her to reiterate our concerns about the situation in Zimbabwe, as well as to again urge the Government of South Africa to do everything that it could to pressure the Mugabe government to move in a positive direction and, most immediately, ending the violence against opposition supporters and others who are simply trying to express their views, as well as to try and achieve, again, a political settlement of what is fundamentally a political problem in Zimbabwe.

QUESTION: Did she feel any more encouraged after that conversation about what they may do, and –

MR. CASEY: Look, again, I think she expressed our views clearly. We've noted that in recent days we've seen a change in tone in some of the statements from South African officials about this. We would certainly hope that that change in tone would also lead to increased efforts on the part of the South African Government and, more broadly, on SADC's part, to be able to try and resolve this issue.

QUESTION: Is there any consideration that you know of, of President Bush, perhaps, speaking directly to Thabo Mbeki?

MR. CASEY: I'd refer you to the White House on that. I don't have any information about that.

Yeah. Nicholas.

QUESTION: Tom, you said, on the diplomatic moves, isn't it appropriate to at least recall your Ambassador from Zimbabwe?

MR. CASEY: Well, look. I think right now, and I mentioned this this morning when we discussed this, we want to make sure that we are able to understand the situation on the ground to the best of our ability. We want to make sure as well that we have someone and have people there who are able to reach out directly to some of the opposition. And I think, given the discomfort that the Zimbabwean regime has felt at some of the statements and efforts made by Ambassador McGee to respond to the situation there – I don't think we'd want to do anything that would give them the pleasure of seeing Ambassador McGee leave, even on a temporary basis.

QUESTION: But you're saying that this regime or this government is not legitimate anymore. How can you have an ambassador, you know – or an embassy, sort of, accredited to this government if you consider it illegitimate? I mean it's –

MR. CASEY: I'm cranky and it's Monday, so you'll forgive me for saying that we're concerned with practical results and not with the niceties of what sounds good in theory.

Look, Ambassador McGee has been someone who has been very outspoken in terms of calling for change in Zimbabwe. He has continued, along with the Embassy, to do what our diplomats and other diplomats are intending to do there, which is to support peaceful, democratic development in that country. I think it's important that he and our other officials there continue their work. Certainly, if it's appropriate and if the Secretary deems it so for him to, you know, come to the United States for consultations, then we'll do so. But for right now, I think he and his mission are doing a very important and a very effective job there.

Yeah. Kim.

QUESTION: Are you able to elaborate a bit more on what sort of diplomatic tools are available and which ones you think would actually have an impact on Robert Mugabe and his government?

MR. CASEY: Well, look. There's no secret that we, the United States, have a limited ability to influence Mugabe and his regime. And that's why we have emphasized the importance of broader international action on this, including pressure from the South Africans and from others who are direct neighbors to Zimbabwe and who have influence there.

That said, there, you know, are always things that can be done, both in terms of strengthening existing sanctions regimes, as well as other kinds of activities that might be available. I'd also point out, though, that because we recognize the value and the importance of broader international community support and action on this, that is why we are focusing on the discussion in the Security Council today, as well as on energizing SADC to take action, because I think those are some of the ways that we have hope of being able to affect some real change there.

QUESTION: Would you like to see some of the African countries impose economic sanctions?

MR. CASEY: Look, I'm not going to try and be prescriptive for any other governments on this. But certainly, we would hope that the other countries of the region would look very carefully at their full range of relations with Zimbabwe and make determinations for themselves as to how they might be able to convince this regime to end the bloodshed, end the violence, and allow for peaceful change in that country.
Sylvie.

QUESTION: But relying entirely on South Africa, which is accused of being too weak in its dealing with the crisis, aren't you concerned that you are losing all the tools to try to influence the situation on the ground?

MR. CASEY: Well, I think South Africa has an important role to play in this, and we certainly, again, believe that the South Africans, as well as the other members of SADC, can and should do more to respond to this. But it's not an exclusive effort with them. Again, we're focusing on work in the Security Council. We will continue to work with the South Africans and SADC. We're also engaging with other partners in Africa. You heard the Secretary and Prime Minister Odinga of Kenya speak out on this issue last week, and certainly the AU, we believe, has a role to play here as well. But I think it's going to take the concerted effort of the international community more broadly to be able to effectively change the situation.

QUESTION: In your statement, the Secretary calls on the parties – the two parties, to work together. Do you think there is a chance to get to a national unity government? It's – do you think the issue there –

MR. CASEY: Well, I'm not sure if that is a solution, but I think what is clear is that the ZANU-PF is more than just Robert Mugabe. We would hope that there are reasonable individuals within that party who are Zimbabwean patriots first, and part of the Mugabe patronage machine second, who would want to be able to work for the good of their own country with members of the opposition to reach a political settlement.

QUESTION: All right, thanks.

MR. CASEY: Thank you. Thanks, guys.

Article Source: http://www.afroarticles.com/article-dashboard

About The Author: Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis - is Orientalist, Assyriologist, Egyptologist, Iranologist, Islamologist, Historian and Political Scientist. Dr. Megalommatis, 51, is the author of 12 books, dozens of scholarly articles, hundreds of encyclopedia entries, and thousands of articles. He speaks, reads and writes more than 15, modern and ancient, languages.

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